Sunday 27 August 2023

Beedi Peeti Aurat

 बीड़ी पीती औरत  
अंकुश लगती है
घूरती निगाहों को
समाज नकारता है
कुढ़ता है उसकी बेईमानी पर  
उसके कर्त्तव्य
याद दिलाता है  
ये उसका हक़ नहीं  
इस बीड़ी की जगह  
उसके हाथ में बेलन, झाड़ू शोभा देती है  
उसके मुंह से निकलता धुआं
उसकी मज़दूरी के दर्जे का सवाल करता है  
मेहनत की बराबरी का सवाल उठाता है
बीड़ी पीती औरत  
ख़ुद सवाल है
उसके सवालिया अस्तित्वा का
धुंए में बनता ख़ाका  
धुंए में ही बिखर जाता है 

بیڑھی پیتی عورت  

انکش  لگتی ہے
گھورتی  نگاہوں کو  
سماج  ناکارتا ہے   
کڑھتا  ہے  اسکی بے ایمانی پر
اسکے  کرتویہ  یاد  دلاتا ہے
یہ  اسکا  حق  نہیں ہے
اس بیڑھی  کی جگہ  
اسکے  ہاتھ  میں  بیلن , جھڈو , شوبھا  دیتی ہے   
اسکے  منہ  سے  نکلتا دھواں
اسکی  مزدوری  کے  درجے  کا  سوال  کرتا ہے
محنت  کی  برابری  کا  سوال  اٹھاتا ہے  
 بیڑھی  پیتی عورت  خود سوال ہے
اسکے  سوالیہ  استیتو  کا  '
دھویں میں بنتا خاکہ  
دھویں  میں  ہی  بکھر  جاتا  ہے-

Beedi Peeti Aurat 

Ankush lagti hai 

Ghoorti nigahon ko

Samaj nakarta hai 

Kudhta hai uski beimaani par 

Uske kartavya yaad dilata hai 

Ye uska haq nahin hai 

Is beedi ki jagah 

Uske haath mein belan, jhadoo, shobha deti hai 

Uske munh se nikalta dhuan 

Uski mazdoori ke darje ka sawal karta hai 

Mehnat ki barabari ka sawal uthata hai 

Beedi peeti aurat khud sawal hai 

Uske sawaliya astitva ka '

Dhuen mein banta khaaka 

Dhuen mein hi bikhar jata hai!

 

Wednesday 3 May 2023

 

Book Review

Parveen, Nazima Contested Homelands: Politics of Space and Identity, New Delhi, Bloomsbury India, 2021, 312 pages, Rs. 1299/- ISBN 978-93-89000-89-4

Social Change: 53(1) 144–157 2023 pg. 152-155

 

 In India, residential segregation on the basis of caste and religion is not a recent phenomenon and not confined to one religious community and is widespread across regions, linguistic communities and religions, but the intensity and the religion-centric politics of the current times surely desires’ fresh research perspectives and studies. Nazima Parveen’s first book focuses on the Muslim community and the process of religious segregation in Old Delhi/Shahjahanabad.

The Pew Center Report[1] (2021) published couple of months back validates what we have known and have been observing for some time now in the present day India. The report through surveys in various regions of India shows large proportion of Indians prefer to stay in neighbourhoods of their caste and religion, want to make friends and marry within their communities (endogamy), hence religious or caste based segregation is what large majority of Indians want even today in 2021. Often, their belief centering on the notion of religious ‘tolerance’ does not include intermixing with other religions’.  Religious segregation is a manifestation of such beliefs and practices.  

Two very important books on the same issue of religious segregation of Muslims in the recent past have been of Ghazala Jamil’s  Accumulation by Segregation: Muslim Localities in Delhi (OUP, 2017) and edited book by Christophe Jaffrelot  and Laurent Gayer, Muslims In Indian Cities: Trajectories Of Marginalisation (HarperCollins,  2012), Nazima Parveen in her book provides the context and the background for the segregation of Muslim community as a consequence of historical processes. 

The first chapter starts with tracing the developments in colonial India regarding the ‘communalisation of space’ from 1809 up to 1939. In this chapter, she documents the colonial administration’s intervention through policy in the form of various decrees/declarations/ municipal bye laws/ police orders with regard to local customs and religious practices. She emphasizes that it was the administrative colonial demarcation that produced three categories of space: ‘Hindu dominated’, ‘Muslim dominated’ and ‘mixed’ areas.  Problematization of cow sacrifice under the British while it had never been an issue before to post 1857 changes in the Delhi city’s demography and socio-political conditions have been explained in detail. 

Second chapter takes a closer look at the pre-Partition politics of 1940s which gave rise to the discourse around homeland, the idea of Pakistan.   There have been many books and much discussion on the pre-partition violence and the communalization of this period. She adds interviews with some older residents of Old Delhi/Shahjahanabad to add more depth to the chapter. 


 Third chapter focuses on the post-independence period from 1947 to 1974 which made Muslim dominated areas appear as problematic ‘mini-Pakistans’ in the popular imagination.  Politicization of Indian Muslim identity can be traced back to this period in terms of belongingness and citizenship. The institutions of the new Indian nation state were compromised on the lines of religion, for example, often police acted in a biased manner in several instances of communal conflict. The meat politics led to communal riot at Kishanganj in 1974 where Muslims were targeted by RSS, Jan Sangh and a section of the police force (Vijay Pal Singh enquiry committee) (pg. 183).  

Wars with Pakistan created a situation where Muslim dominated areas started being seen with concerns around internal security.  Fourth chapter deals with the politics of redevelopment and resettlement in the Emergency era. The administrative politics of the 1970s transformed the community-space relationship.  Urban development and its politicization through the two episodes of Jama Masjid Clearance scheme and Turkman Gate redevelopment scheme have been discussed in detail, how statutory, metropolitan and municipal authorities formed a collaborative team and zeroed in on ending Muslim ‘segregation’ through forced clearance and sterilization at the two Shajahanabad localities. 

“Do you think we are mad to destroy one Pakistan to create another Pakistan?” (pg. 231)

Jagmohan, then DDA Vice Chairman had given this (in) famous reply to the residents of Turkman Gate who had approached him for help for suitable settlement relocation in view of the threat of their homes being demolished by the administration.   

Portrayal of Muslim community as being anti-development and their resistance as anti-establishment led to Muslim localities and their image being propagated as ‘culturally segregated and politically separated spaces’ (pg.245).

In the conclusion chapter, Nazima Parveen discusses the dilemma of Delhi Muslims, largely reflecting the microcosm of the macrocosm of the larger Muslim question of identity and citizenship,

“For Delhi Muslims, homeland was nothing but an evocation of the right to live and perform their religious and cultural practices in the galies, mohallas and ilaqe where they were the majority…… conflicting claims and realities of the partition turned every Muslim household,  gali, mohalla and ilaqa of Delhi into contested zones. I argue that these various assertions of homelands were eventually reduced to the theory of ‘two nation’ or communal antagonism.” (pg. 267)

 

Over the years, she observes how the Muslim localities and their perceptions changed as she sums up the changing trajectory and politics 1940s onwards,  

“…in the 1940s, as Muslim dominated areas that were to be administered for the sake of communal peace; in the 1950s as ‘Muslim zones’ that needed to be ‘protected’; in the 1960s as ‘isolated’, unhygienic cultural pockets that were to be cleaned and Indianised; and in the 1970s, as locations of ‘internal threat’-‘mini Paksitans’ that were to be dismantled and integrated. This book thus suggests that ‘Muslim localities’ are discursively constituted political entities which may or may not correspond to the actual demographic configuration of any administrative urban unit…” (pg. 274)

Through the idea of ‘Contested Homeland’ this book suggests that the relations between Muslim communities and their living spaces have evolved out of a long process of politicization and communalization of space in Delhi. Nazima Parveen’s book has focused on the Muslim community’s interaction with the colonial to post-independent Indian state and the effects of state policy in creating segregated spaces for the community, especially the British government policy of  separate electorates’ to Indira Gandhi’s Emergency era clearance/sterilization fiasco. Her work is rich with details of history and concludes at the Emergency period to contextualize the present religious segregation debate.

Although, the multi-layered process of segregation cannot be seen just from the prism of historical processes and as a result of state policy. The view from top as opposed to view from the below as the book focuses and creates its narrative mainly from archival sources, reports’, written and oral accounts, Shahjahanabad’s complex demography has been explained briefly through the caste factor (Qureshis’ of Qasabpura, Telis’ of Turkman Gate) discussed with regard to different incidents but largely the factors of caste-class segregation of various kin-based neighbourhoods’ of Shahjahanabad remain largely unexplored. Some more ethnographic details and interviews from the locals including the Muslim lower castes’ and women living in caste based mohallas could have been added to give a diverse people’s perspective.

Since, religious segregation is a complex process and apart from historical processes and state policy, there are many other factors which need a deeper analysis. Muslim community at Shahjahanabad (and elsewhere as well) have also used their active agency or the choice to reside in the Muslim dominated areas due to various cultural factors ranging from availability of halal food to presence of mosques which cannot be overlooked.

In the present socio-political scenario, the insecurity factor again became relevant in the post-liberalization era leading to religious segregation. The communal politics of BJP-RSS leading to the Ayodhya -Babri Masjid riots in the 1990s to Gujarat riots of 2002 to Delhi riots in 2020 have had a deep effect on Muslim psyche and fear of being targeted in non-Muslim areas by the right wing mobs.

 

Nazima Parveen’s Contested Homeland: Politics of Space and Identity is well-researched and relevant book for the present socio-political debates on Muslim segregation and the larger Muslim question of belongingness.  

 

      

Reviewed by:

Dr. Uzma Azhar



[1] https://www.pewforum.org/2021/06/29/religion-in-india-tolerance-and-segregation/

Eight poets, one city they loved and lived in: 'Beloved Delhi' is a fresh look at a city much written about

 

https://www.dailyo.in/arts/saif-mahmood-beloved-delhi-old-delhi-ghalib-urdu-shahjahanabad-27711

Published on: 11th Nov. 2018

There have been many books on the lives of these poets, and on Shahjahanabad, but Mahmood merges the two milieus.

 

The city of Delhi, with its glorious history and imperial past, has variously been described as the ‘City of Djinns’, ‘Imperial City’, ‘City Improbable’, ‘Delhi Metropolitan’. Author Saif Mahmood in his book calls it ‘Beloved Delhi’.

Saif Mahmood has been a prominent name in the cultural revival of Urdu that Delhi has seen in the past few years, through various programs and festivals.

 

In his book, he talks about the golden period of classical Urdu poetry, and situates it within the politico-socio-economic decline of Shahjahanabad (today’s Old Delhi). The author is making an attempt to make the works of eight eminent classical Urdu poets accessible to the current audience, by writing in English and then also translating them along with their biographies. 

There have been many books on these poets and on Shahjahanabad as well, but Beloved Delhi merges the two milieus, as the author says himself: 

Delhi, a modern capital and a city of cities, has many layers of history that unfold and reveal its fading colours crease by crease. In the book, literary historian Rakshanda Jalil, in the Foreword with Shahar e Ashob (the genre of poetry which talks about the decline of a city), and Delhi’s history chronicler/story teller, Sohail Hashmi, in the Preface, situate and contextualise the city of Jahan’abad, before we dive into the depths of beautiful poetry and history, starting with Sauda Mohammad Rafi (1713-1781).

 

Each chapter is neatly divided into three sections — the first part is devoted to the biographical details of the poet’s life, the second deals with the finer nuances of his poetry, and the third lists the selected works of the poet.

Fluid writing and language, with a dash of contemporaneity (interesting sub-titles to each chapter: Dancing Dervish/Dard, Debonair Hakim/Momin, Incurable Romancer/Mir, Last Casanova/Daagh) and well-researched sources make the descriptions rich, without getting too heavy.

Bahadur Shah Zafar’s long sufferings at the hands of the British along with his poetic dispossession
Bahadur Shah Zafar’s long sufferings at the hands of the British have been dealt with, as also his poetic dispossession. (Photo: Wikimedia Commons) 

The longest section is predictably devoted to Ghalib. Detailed narratives are quite fascinating — of Bahadur Shah Zafar’s long sufferings at the hands of the British along with his poetic dispossession (aspersions were cast upon his poetry, with disputed claims on authorship especially on some of his ghazals); the technicalities of poetry, such as lambi beher (long meter) ki ghazal and the colloquialism of Zauq’s poetry, have been wonderfully explained; the poetic rivalry of Ghalib and Zauq; the affairs of poets (Ghalib/Daagh) with courtesans of their time have all been adequately dealt with.

Beloved Delhi elucidates on the social world of the 18th century Shahjahanabad through various famous personalities, such as Shah Naseer or Kaale Sahab (whose name keeps appearing in the biographies of Ghalib, Zafar and in reference to the mentorship of Momin and Zauq). Lives of the poets run parallel to Shahjahanabad’s changing fortunes and Saif Mahmood weaves a world of desolation to describe the city’s decline.

To borrow Gulzar’s words, the local Hindu/Muslims traditional ‘tareeqa’ (way of doing something) mostly reflects:

Mita do saare nishan ke the tum… (Wipe out all traces of you)

So, the body is burned and even the ashes are given away to Ganga Maiyya. For most Muslims, the grave is of loose earth so they become a part of nature after some years — pucca graves are not encouraged. Common folks in the subcontinent could neither afford nor were encouraged to have their remains preserved. Museums were introduced, like most modern things, by the British. We still do not have the infrastructure or the attitude or the culture to care for historical artifacts. 

Reliance on oral traditional culture and denial of it in its physical form, releasing the body and all things related for the atma’s mukti to the modern way of ‘holding on/establishing memorials’— we have a long way to learn and unlearn things. 

Mazars and mausoleums are reserved for kings or revered saints.

For Mahmood’s book, Khwaja Mir Dard’s dargah is the only case (among the eight poets) where lovers of his poetry did not have to fight with authorities to give him a deserving final resting place, or institutionalise his ‘memorial’ — probably because he was seen more as a ‘Sufi buzurg’ (elderly saint).

Saif Mahmood goes looking for memories/ remains of 18th-19th century poets in the present world, and predictably — with the numerous problems of existence in the present-day Shahjahanabad — finds the remains of the eulogised poets difficult to locate. 

Thus, at the sites where they lived and wrote, we are shown glimpses of today’s chaotic lives (through Anant Raina’s photographs), which is symbolic of the way we have treated our legacies and our cultural ethos.

Beloved Delhi, author Saif Mahmood’s debut book, is an important work not just for the lovers of Urdu poetry, but also for anyone looking to understand and appreciate literature, the socio-cultural life of Delhi, and its rich history.

 

 


 


 

Jashn E Rekhta 2017 Brought Poetry to Social Issues Currently Faced by India

 https://www.news18.com/news/lifestyle/jashn-e-rekhta-2017-brought-poetry-to-social-issues-currently-faced-by-india-1599947.html

 Published on: 10th Dec. 2017

 

“Sar chadh kar bolta hai Urdu zuban ka jadoo….”

These words of Jashn e Rekhta’s theme song perfectly sum up the spirit at the festival. As you enter the gates at National Stadium and one of the 16 e-rickshaws drop you at the main venue inside, the friendly faces and presence of old and young, men and women from all backgrounds strike you.

The 4th edition of Jashn e Rekhta kicked off at Major Dhyan Chand National Stadium, India Gate, on a cold 8th December evening warmed by Sanjeev Saraf’s (founder of Rekhta) welcome address, Pandit Jasraj and Waheeda Rehman’s speeches inaugurating the festival and musical performance by Ustad Rashid Khan. When lights went out for few minutes during his performance, Ustad Rashid sahib did not stop singing, and the audience did not panic or became restless, but switched on the lights on their phones. It was quite symbolic of the love that the festival has received from people of Delhi. The festival started at IIC in 2015 then IGNCA hosted Rekhta festival twice and this year’s choice of National stadium shows the manifold increase of the audience in thousands over the years. Participants and public from outside Delhi visiting the festival have also gone up. For the first day, many felt the crowd was very good this year.

The festival of ‘Urdu’ or ‘Rekhta’ as the language was referred earlier, stresses on the composite culture through which the language emerged with both Hindus and Muslims as its speakers. Rekhta sessions are a balanced mix of music, poetry, serious literary discussions to sessions hosted by Bollywood film personalities. Films and their Urdu connection is explored in detail in every Jashn e Rekhta.

The food section curated by Anubhav Sapra (Delhi Food Walks) offers diverse food choices from Bihar, Rampur, Odisha, Lucknow, Shahjahanabad and Afghanistan (women refugee’ group now in food catering) as well, apart from Delhi snack options like Cheela from Karol Bagh, Omlette from Dwarka, Daulat ki chaat and sweets from Sheeren Bhawan, Old Delhi,. Rampuri kebabs and Afghani food were specially recommended for the food lovers at Jashn e Rekhta.

Apart from the main sessions and events the space at National stadium is aesthetically decorated and dotted with various cut outs of famous Urdu poets and their celebrated couplets. Rekhta bazaar has stalls of Khwab Tanha, Arty Kite, SHURUA(R)T, ear rings, Khadi products, calligraphic posters and a working calligraphy artist, book publications, etc. First day evening is usually spent in walking around and discovering the space.

On Saturday, 9th Dec. second day of the festival morning sessions started with Sadaa e Faqeer, melodious soulful Sufi Tasawwuf renditions by Madan Gopal Singh and Chaar Yaar. The range of Urdu language beautifully captured with various performances in different musical formats. The afternoon session saw Shubha Mudgal singing poetry of protest and dissent of Faiz, Kaifi Azmi and others, narrated by Sohail Hashmi.

The Courtesan Project was enacted early evening by Manjari Chaturvedi and Neelesh Misra who brought Mirza Ghalib and Nawabjan’s story on stage interspersed with poetry, music and Kathak dance. Around the same time, Parvaaz, a band from Bangalore, in the open area created a fusion of rock and Urdu for the young audience.

Serious discussions on Urdu literature started with Dakani Urdu and its poetic forms. Prof Gopi Chand Narang talked about mythology’s presence in Urdu poetry in the afternoon session. Medieval India, much in discussion in recent times, its cultural and literary interactions were explored by Prof Harbans Mukhia with Prof Rizwan Qaiser. Urdu ‘afsana’ form was discussed in the late afternoon session. Gulzar Dehalvi , noted Urdu poet and scholar had a session with Farhat Ehsas.

Film personalities from Mumbai had different sessions throughout the day. Imtiaz Ali started with the morning session and spoke about his films and his idea of imagination and reality. Nandita Das and Nawazuddin Siddiqui talked about their film Manto and shared the process of its making. Shabana Azmi, Muzaffar Ali and Waheeda Rehman discussed the Muslim social films and the depiction of Urdu culture in them. All of these sessions saw very large audience as the stars of Bollywood always pull in public.

Radio stars sessions were very well attended as well. RJ Sayema had a session where she read out poetry, and RJ Neelesh Misra had a session with Saif Mahmood where he discussed the role of stories in sensitizing ‘the other’. Misra discussed trying to reach the interiors of India through his Gaon Connection project and his journey as a lyricist in Bollywood. Salman Akhtar’s couplet shared in the session, referred to Ramayan’s characters while talking about the struggles one faces in life, was most appreciated:

Itna kab azaad hai jo chahe kar le jab kaho

Dil ke Dashrath ko mili hain Kaykayi majbooriyan

Poetry-sessions started with Open house in the morning session, then mazahiya (humorous/ witty) poetry, Young poets session in the afternoon, Women poets session in the late afternoon. Dr. Saif Mahmood had a session on satire and humor in Urdu and enthralled his audience with various gems of witty poetry. When there was shortage of meat in Delhi a few years back, Sagar Khayyami wrote:

Ek mahina ho chukka hai bandd hai hum par mutton

Daawaton me kha rahe hain bhindiyan ahl e sukhan

Kha ke ghuiyyan kya dikhlaayein shayari ka baankpan

Ho gaya palak ka patta nazuki se gulbadan

Nafraton ke daur me dekho to kya kya ho gaya

Sabziyan Hindu huin, Bakra Musalman ho gaya

In the present times, when food is being linked to religion, it was appropriately cherished and liked by the audience.

The day ended with well known Urdu poets’ Mushaira, like Shamim Abbas, Shariq Kaifi, Rahat Indori, Javed Akhtar and others.

The underlying theme at Jashn e Rekhta has always been to emphasize on the ‘Indiannes’ of Urdu, its inclusivity and the various forms in which they have been richly explored.

Its efforts like this by Sanjeev Saraf and his Rekhta team that the vicious communal politics of the present era can be dealt with and defeated.

Shamim Abbas’s couplet in the Mushaira met with loud cheers:

Muntazir hum bhi hain us din ke ho Ram ka Raj

Par yeh Ravan ki Jo Lanka hai ye dhaayi jaaye.

 

Triple Talaq Bill Criminalises a Civil Act, Leaving Ample Scope for Harassment 4-MIN READ OPINION | Triple Talaq Bill Criminalises a Civil Act, Leaving Ample Scope for Harassment

 https://www.news18.com/news/india/opinion-triple-talaq-bill-criminalises-a-civil-act-leaving-ample-scope-for-harassment-1617707.html

Published on: Jan 09,2018


“The parties should either hold together on equitable terms or separate with kindness”

(Quran: 2:229 Surah al-Baqarah).

A recent judgment by the Supreme Court where it struck down instant Triple Talaq as ‘unconstitutional’ has now been followed up by the government with a newly passed Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill, 2017. Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad’s reasoning justifying the government’s action that instant triple talaq or talaq-e-biddat – the practice by which Muslim men divorce their wives by saying the word talaq three times in one sitting which Supreme Court’s order had set aside in August, has not worked as a deterrent.

He further added, “it is, therefore, felt that there is a need for State action to give effect to the order of the Supreme Court”. Union Law Minister failed to cite any data or facts to support his claim by which it was concluded that Supreme Court’s order has not worked during this period from August to December 2017.

The intervention by the State through this Bill placed before Parliament mainly states and declares instant triple talaq as void (SC’s judgment had already done that) and imposes a criminal penalty on the husband for pronouncing it in one sitting (three years imprisonment and fine).

The Supreme Court judgment while declaring instant triple talaq as unconstitutional, had cited laws from 19 countries (Indonesia, Malaysia, Egypt, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka among them) that have abolished the practice, seen as an unfavourable form of divorce in Islam. The instant Triple Talaq judgment was mostly welcomed as a measure of rectifying an extremely cruel and anti-women practice which finds no mention in the Quran.

ISLAMIC LAW

A marriage is purely a contract under the Islamic law (unlike Hindu/Christian laws). Islamic law was much more progressive for its time made a provision for termination of marriage where both husband and wife could dissolve it. It was an undesirable act, therefore had an elaborate process where reconciliation, arbitration from both sides were encouraged.

When a divorce is initiated by the husband over three sittings, it is known as Talaq (Arabic for freeing or undoing the knot).

Pronouncement can be verbal or written, and should only be done once in the presence of two witnesses. If the wife initiates a divorce it is known as khul'a. In any Islamic divorce procedure, there is a three-month waiting period, where reconciliation also exists as an option before the divorce is finalised.

Husband is supposed to pay maintenance and alimony to the wife once the divorce is settled.

Instant Triple Talaq is pronouncing divorce in one sitting which has no validation from the Quran. Prophet in one of Hadith mentions instant triple talaq in one sitting to be considered with an effect of one divorce and hence, a possibility of reconciliation.

Instant divorce provision came to be used in Caliph Umar’s reign when he thought that elaborate process was getting distorted and people were taking divorce non-seriously. Instant Divorces increasingly started getting pronounced through a letter, phone call or sometimes even through text message, WhatsApp or Skype and we witnessed instant Talaq’s misuse in our era. Although there is lack of data on women affected by instant Triple Talaq, as a practice, it needed to be done away with.

GENDER EQUALITY AND JUSTICE

Men following arbitrary practices to abandon their wives is something seen across religions. Abandoned women outnumber divorced women at 23.7 lakh (among women abandoned without divorce, 80 per cent are Hindus and 12 per cent are Muslims, according to Census, 2011).

Abandoning women provides an easy escape from the lengthy legal process and also the requirement for the husband to pay suitable alimony and compensation to his wife can be avoided as well.

Personal laws draw sustenance from religion. There are many provisions of Hindu law, Muslim law, Christian law or Parsi law which can be seen as anti-women in modern times. Women empowerment as an issue has multiple concerns that need to be redressed.

CONCERNS AND POLITICS

BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made strong claims that Muslim women in their fight against instant triple talaq have support from his administration. Since the Bill concerns interests of most Muslim women, it would be interesting to know if any of them were part of the drafting committee.

Muslim bodies like AIMPLB (All India Muslim Personal Law Board), AIMIM (All India Majlis-e-Ittahidul Muslimeen of Owaisi) and Bebaak Collective (Women’s group which had supported Shayara Bano's petition against Triple Talaq in the Supreme Court) have opposed the Bill.

Stakeholders were not consulted before bringing in such an important legislation as consultations with the community which it concerns have been close to none.

Criminalization of instant Triple Talaq as cognizable and non-bailable offence means not just the wife but anybody can make a complaint and police can arrest or investigate a Muslim man, leaving ample scope for harassment. Instant Triple Talaq itself has been outlawed, so the wife is still married and if the husband goes to jail, maintenance of family will be an issue.

Also, a pronouncement of Talaq thrice in one sitting would need admissible evidence in the court for the husband to be convicted, meaning more work for our over-burdened police and judiciary. Present Bill’s overreach in making a criminal offence of a civil act has been severely condemned.

Under the watch of the present government wherein, the name of Gau-Raksha and other flimsy reasons Muslims have been lynched with impunity and killers have enjoyed political patronage, support for rights’ of Muslim women seems quite superfluous.

Women, Muslims and others need the support of the government for them to move ahead in society but this support at the cost of their husbands going to jail may just complicate conjugal matters even more for Muslim women.

(Author is a PhD in Sociology and a freelance researcher. She is currently teaching at Jamia Millia Islamia. Views are personal.)


Sunday 25 December 2022

Stories, Game of Thrones and Benedict Anderson (Imagined Communities')

 Game of Thrones' lovers irritated me, found them too devoted, too involved in the epic saga. And, I finished watching it yesterday (binge-watched actually!). The other story I can think of which actually was nearly as brilliant as this was probably J R R Tolkien's Lord of the Rings, but, maybe this overtakes it by miles. Anyways, comparisons of classics are futile.

I am in a daze really, the series based on George R.R. Martin's book (A Song of Fire and Ice), the writing/script is extremely brilliant with very strong female characters. If one can ignore all the violence (and the skin show!) the story takes over with its twists and turns. You invest in a character and that person gets killed soon afterwards. The politics is highly intriguing. 

Tyrion Lannister's character in the final episode gives a speech (where he advocates for a new king's name) and talks about what keeps people together. 

“What unites people?” Tyrion asked. “Armies? Gold? Flags?” No. It’s stories, he said.

“There's nothing in the world more powerful than a good story. Nothing can stop it. No enemy can defeat it..."

 Thsi reminded me of Benedict Anderson, who in his classic 1983 book Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism talks about the condition that led to the development of nationalism in the 18th and 19th centuries, especially in the Americas, and famously defined the nation as an “imagined community.” 

Despite differences, people imagine themselves as belonging to the same collectivity, sharing a common history, traits, beliefs, and attitudes. Anderson further defined this imagined community as limited, because even the largest nations recognize some boundaries and the existence of other nations beyond them; and sovereign, because the nation replaced traditional kinship ties as the foundation of the state.  A nation as an 'imagined construct' for which countless people have willingly sacrificed themselves and continue to do so. Nationalism got help from capitalism and print media as it came to define this era in the post-industrialisation period, along with urbanisation and modern education. 

Anderson was criticised by post-colonial writers such as Partha Chatterjee, as he overlooked the colonial experience where nationalism as an ideology was super-imposed by the colonial masters. The work of Anderson' is still a landmark study where it questioned and provided answers for the rise of nationalism in the modern period. 

The stories, Martin through Tyrion says, unite people and similarly the vernacular press through print media made imagining a community possible in the 18th century and thereafter. It was print media that played a big role in creating the thought of unity of different groups and families together as a 'community'. It is the communities that form the societies and societies have to create folk legends and myths for their survival. Politics is the about governance, how do you make sure that people do not dissent and remain committed to the state, ready for battles and hardships as and when called upon. 

The kind of politics we are witnessing in India, is also based on stories, often concocted narratives that sway people to vote for the right wing majoritarian party, BJP.  The nationalism, the emotional high-pitch speeches about the humble background of the PM, the Ram-setu controversy, Babri masjid/Ram janambhoomi issue and many such instances where facts may say otherwise but the narrative is build through stories (media propagation) to appeal to people's emotions.

The games around thrones continue being played, nationalism is a tool to keep people together. But, is nationalism really imaginary or the stories are so powerful that we are almost characters living in them? 

Monday 25 July 2022

Haath Banjaare

 हाथ बंजारे 

हाथ की मिटती मिटती सी गहरी लकीरें
हाथ फैलाएं तो गदागरी में फ़क़ीर हो जाएँ
हाथ उठें तो दुआ में अर्श तक हो आएं

हाथ करते लाखों तदबीरें
रहें टूटी फूटी सी तक़दीरें
हाथ गढ़ते ख़मोश चीख़ती तसवीरें
हाथ लाते ख़्वाबों की ताबीरें
हाथ बनाते किताब कटोरा
हाथ चढ़ाते चादर मज़ार पर
हाथ चढ़ाते फ़सीलें दार पर  
हाथ बनाते घर  
हाथ फिराते दरबदर
हाथ लाते रोटी, फ़ाक़ा,लंगर, बाज़ार
हाथ देते शिफ़ा, दवा और दर्द  
हाथ में करम, सितम और फल
हाथ बसाते वीराने
हाथ बनाते कतबे और क़ब्र
हाथ लाते अमीरी और अमल
हाथ लाते ग़ुरबत और ग़म
हाथ की तदबीर कब रही कम?

हाथ बंजारे
बसे' कहाँ रे ?

हाथों के वादे
ज़िन्दगी के इरादे 
ज़िन्दगी से लम्बी
हाथों की लकीरें
ज़िन्दगी से छूटती
हाथों से तसवीरें
ज़िन्दगी से बड़ी
हाथों की तरकीबें
ज़िन्दगी से गहरी
हाथों की मलामत
ज़िन्दगी से कम
हाथों की फुर्सत
ज़िन्दगी की क़ीमत
हाथों की क़िस्मत!






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